after the rain

Today is July 29, 2021, which is:

So yeah, a lot on my mind.

I remain in disbelief that over 100,000 of you have read my “disgrace” post. I honestly did not think anyone would care. My “shoe fits” covers much of the same ground with fewer words and fewer names. My name is on both. Basically, no one cared then. So why three years later?

More people acted like they cared in 2020 than 2017 . Among leaders, the caring was not to “change the profession.” It was a that’s “not me” and feigned outrage. It’s too soon for “disgrace” to move the needle. It probably won’t.

No one in my “disgrace” post was held accountable, except for me. Within three days, I was told to leave my job at a progressive think tank, led then by a woman who’s now a top economics official in the White House. She worked with Larry Summers on the campaign. Larry didn’t like my post. I doubt powerful donors and people like her who fear him liked it. I told you economics has a systemic problem. Proved me right.

Who did care? Students, who are our next generation, and people marginalized in economics, whose cruel treatment costs us dearly. See out-of-touch, cruel policy advice during the COVID-19 crisis and the sea of White men leading that charge.

During the past year, I’ve received hundreds of heartfelt notes emails, DMs, texts, phone calls, etc. from the people who did care, often thanking me for my “bravery.” I was not brave. I was angry. And I truly cherish every person who cared. They’re why I wrote my post, and why I push economics to be better.

I put my credibility on the line and was privileged to have enough to do it. For god sake’s, John Taylor and I are the only two people who have a “Rule” in economic policy. I got mine two years ago and at a much younger age. I’m not done.

It’s not all sunshine and roses. I did burn through an incredible amount of credibility. Most depressing was this year. I was publicly critical of Larry Summers and Raj Chetty’s economic policy advice. I was told sternly that I should’ve done it in private. I shouldn’t have named names. Ugh. Raj’s advice would’ve cost 50 million women, men, and children a $1,400 stimulus check and Larry’s the entire $2 trillion Rescue Plan. I did my job as policy expert. I was punished for it by the elites. Economics is a disgrace. I am not surprised. I am sad.

Good economics and compassion won the day. The $1,400 checks went out, and Congress did not heed Raj’s advice. I collected more data and showed that in a research policy brief that the checks worked. The $2 trillion Rescue Plan passed. In total, Congress enacted $5 trillion in economic relief within a year. In the Great Recession, it was less than $1 trillion. Larry won that policy debate. Not this time. Praise the lord.

The policies enacted were not perfect, and we must do better next time. Even so, I’m in shock and often cry tears of joy when I reflect on how much better policymakers did this time.

I have yet to watch Jay Powell speak during this crisis without getting emotional. Started crying again yesterday at the Fed presser. I did not sleep until CARES passed the Senate in the middle of the night. How could I? Millions of Americans were having sleepless night and millions more would soon.

It’s personal. My breakdown at the Fed in 2011 was caused, in large part, by the stress of watching policymakers step away, even as the recovery dragged on. I did not know it at the time, but the stress triggered my one (and only) manic episode. It was scary. Now, I had been severely depressed every winter after I started at the Fed in 2007 until my diagnosis with a bipolar disorder in 2011. Sucked for me and my family. But, when I am depressed, I am a danger only to myself not others. When I am manic, I say and do things that hurt others. To me, that’s worse.

One thing mania did not change was my goofiness. In the emergency room, I slept for the first time in months. In the morning, they sent me to the mental health office. I didn’t make sense, so the woman on duty gave me a piece of paper and told me to write a letter to someone. I wrote it to Ben Bernanke. She had me tear it up and throw it in the trash before I left. It makes me laugh now. Like Ben would have cared or even understood it. It’s not an accident that he and Janet Yellen were who I wrote the “disgrace” post for. It was never meant to be a public post. I wanted them, as leaders in economics, to do something. They told me they could not. Duh, it was goofy of me to expect them to. Goofy is good. If you’re not laughing your crying.

I love economics dearly. I work extremely hard at good economic policy, even though I much of it is volunteer work now. I have been blessed by many new opportunities this year. I have been blessed by all the support. I have absolutely nothing to complain about. Actions and words have consequences. It was messy and I made mistakes, but I have no regrets.

In policy and in life, we must never let the perfect be the enemy of the good. And we must not pretend the good is the perfect. We can always do better. Policymakers did better this time. I did better too. I stayed healthy. I spoke my truth, and I created space for others to speak theirs. That’s how change happens.

Stay safe.

Ways to create a healthy environment for economists

Economics must help all economists to thrive. We have work to do. I know from countless hours of mentoring. Many of their experiences break my heart and make me angry. I love economics and it hurt to call it out as a disgrace. But that hurt is nothing compared to the hurt that comes to me. The hurt inflicted on me after my post is nothing compared to the hurt that comes to me.

Problems require solutions. Big problems require big solutions. I have demanded for years that leadership in the American Economics Association lead. Ask Ben Bernanke, Janet Yellen, Peter Rosseau, David Card, and anyone on the Executive Committee about my push in private and public. I am not alone. The list is long of other economists dedicating their time and putting their reputations on the line for others suffering. It’s time for all of us to lead.

It’s your turn. Do something. Anything. Make the economics profession a better place. It’s good for the science. It’s good for people. It’s good for you. Push yourself to act. Push your institution to act. No more excuses.

I have many ideas on how to make economics better. Here is a talk I give on how to create a healthy, inclusive work environment. Send me questions or comments; add more resources or ideas in the comments; and use any material here. I am happy to speak with your group whether it’s an academic department, a government agency, think tank, research institute, or any other work place. We must stop hurting people. We must start supporting everyone.

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More Resources

Economics is a disgrace

Today, September 7, 2022, I updated my “disgrace post. I have redacted all the names of the senior economists and some details. I stand by every word of the original post, but it’s as powerful, maybe even more so, without the names. I have also corrected some grammatical errors and unclear writing.

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This post is a personal one. It is a painful one.

It is largely the same as the reflections that I sent to Janet Yellen, Ben Bernanke, and Peter Rosseau. I have redacted many names, except for public interactions or my correspondence.

Everyone who is privileged enough to hold a Ph.D. in economics should reflect on our toxic culture. Before you start, read the American Economics Association (AEA)  code of professional conduct and policy on harassment and discrimination.

Students, please understand that I and many others are working to make your journey better than ours. Economics is hard enough without others who demean you. I love the energy of youth; however, you need allies. We all do.

Thankfully, I am healthy now due to my hard work in managing my bipolar disorder and the loved ones who carry me when I struggle.

Burn it down: economics failed us.

Economics is a disgrace. The lack of diversity and inclusion degrades our knowledge and policy advice. We hurt economists from undergraduate classrooms to offices at the White House. We drive away talent, mistreat those who stay and tolerate bad behavior.

Some experiences I share may seem innocuous. Taken together, they demonstrate a systemic problem. Ones that economists refuse to tackle. We blame bad behavior on victims. I was blamed. We tell them to toughen up. I was and did. We say the harasser is a good economist and imply the victim is not. He was supposedly better than me or you. He is not.

I chose to name the senior men economists [all redacted now] who hurt me and others. They are well-respected. You know them. By doing nothing, you allow them to hurt people. You allow them to teach bad behavior to the next generation. I did too. I blame myself and did not speak up. I am sorry, and that is why I am sharing now. I am not filing a formal complaint. I am sharing. After more than a decade as a macroeconomist, I am fine. You know me. It is painful to share a part of me you did not know. It is painful to revisit. I do not name names to tar and feather. I do it to make our problem concrete.

I mentor many people. They come to me as an ally, as someone who will listen. I do. Some conversations are happy, and people are looking for advice on being an economist. Some conversations are sad; people dealing with painful experiences in economics. Some get better. Some do not. Last year a Black woman undergrad asked me how to get from her satellite-school state university to a Ph.D. program in economics. We talked, and I gave her advice. I emailed her a few months later to see what she had decided.  Her brother replied that his sister had killed herself. She will not be an economist. Others became economists then we drove them away. The tenure of a Native American woman economist was revoked after her men colleagues turned on her. I talk with her regularly. We discuss how she could return to academia after she is healthy again. Do you know how many Native American women are economists? Very few. Do you know how many Black economists work at the Fed? One out of 406. Economics is a disgrace.

The indignities are astounding. The new woman economist at the Board was asked by the men colleagues at lunch . Her husband is an economist I know well. An officer sabotaged her work . [Redacted.] I have talked with the woman and her husband several times. Broke my heart. Her tormentor is good friends with mine. I thought it was me. It was not me. It was them, and they have not stopped. I told her she would get better. I did. No one told me that in 2011 when I broke. I was told that I was not the first woman he targeted. No one told me I could report him. Both tormentors are senior officers at the Board, instrumental to monetary policy decisions. Neither said they were sorry.

Or how about the Southeast Asian research assistant, who I met once? He called me hyperventilating as he told me about his abusive work environment. After I hung up, I closed my door and sat in my office sobbing. Economists messed him up. I coached him on how to leave his job and find a new one. He did.

Finally, the woman economics major at Chicago went to office hours. She sat on the floor since the room was crowded. Someone offered her a chair. She said she was fine sitting on the floor. The professor looked at her and said, “I see you like it on your knees; women do.” He did not apologize to her though he did have to apologize for telling a sexually explicit joke at commencement. He continues to teach undergraduates. Economics breaks people, and it is broken. I am angry. You should be too.

I mainly share my experiences here. I am not special. Many have similar experiences, in some cases worse. I have written documents to back these incidents up. These records are awful to have in my email inbox, Twitter notifications and DMs, and text messages. Do not tell me; good men are economists too. I do not care. You did not protect the victims. You did not protect me. You had to know something was wrong, and you did nothing. I spend considerable time picking up the pieces of people we break. It is not fair. It is wrong what we do.

Economics destroys its students

  • We discourage undergraduates, women, and men from studying economics. The AEA’s first climate survey of economics clearly shows our toxic profession, especially among under-represented groups. The AEA should commission surveys of undergraduates, research assistants, and predoctoral and postdoctoral students. Harassment begins in undergraduate classrooms and often does not stop unless you leave economics.
  • We do not nurture the next generation. Many graduate students and economists have mental health issues. Research at Harvard found notably higher rates of depression and anxiety among economics Ph.D. students than other Ph.D. students and the general population. Departments often do send students to campus health resources. The faculty place unrealistic expectations on the students. They are aggressive in private and in public settings. Many do not mentor, even after they have agreed to be their advisors. Faculty suffer too. Leading economists Alan Krueger, Marty Weitzman, Bill Sandholm, and Emmanuel Farhi all killed themselves recently. Rest in peace.
  • For several years, I have reviewed dozens of macro job market papers of Ph.D. students each year.  I read their abstracts, introductions, and tables and charts. I worked with students from MIT to India to Stockholm to Santa Barbara, and everywhere in between.  All their papers were technically impressive. They also benefited from communication tips. I tried to help.  They worked hard on every aspect of their research, including writing.  They thanked me, and many said it added to the support from their professors. Some replies suggested I got we must do more for our students, such as:
    • ‘You are the first person to read any part of my job market paper.”
    • “I finally understand my paper.”
    • “Our department does not teach us how to write.”
  • Many advisors and departments, including these candidates, are extremely supportive. Unfortunately, some are not. I got encouragement at Michigan. Some did not. I know too many graduate students who economists hurt. We must do better. Absolutely must. I will do better too.
  • After I saw some common issues, I wrote a blog post on writing for all job market candidates. It is my most-read post by far. [Here is an updated version with a video.] I was surprised. My advisor, Matthew Shapiro, taught me how to write research papers. Many advisors do not. Some do. I blogged each of the students’ revised papers. I cheered them on during the job market. After one such email,  a woman candidate thanked me. My email came after an exhausting flyout in the middle of an exhausting week of flyouts. None of these students were my responsibility. I was a section chief, managing five economists and three research assistants. We can all do more.

Predators target research assistants, graduate students, and early-career economists

  • Research assistants and pre-doctoral fellows are particularly vulnerable. Many are considering a career in economics; however, they do know the culture of economics. They have not chosen to navigate our aggressive norms. The explosion of pre-doctoral programs at universities is a looming disaster. [In many cases, it already is.] Basically, no economists who supervise these young adults have management training. In contrast, the Board now sends every group manager and section chief to a months-long training. Training does not avoid all bad behavior; no training is worse.
  • The Board is now recruiting research assistants from under-represented minorities. Sadly, Black and Latinx research assistants vastly outnumber the Ph.D. economists of color on staff. All research assistants have the least power at work, regardless of their background. Too often have bad experiences. One afternoon, a Black woman research assistant at the Board delivered memos to a White officer. The officer thanked her, using the name of another Black woman research assistant. She corrected her. Six weeks later, the officer made the same mistake. The research assistant gave up and asked one of the White research assistants to deliver memos to that officer.
  • Two research assistants, a Black Latinx woman and a Latinx man, designed the first Research Assistant Survey at the Board. I saw the first drafts as someone who designs surveys. I could see from the start that the results would be uncomfortable. The discomfort of economists should not outweigh but often does, the discomfort they cause. One striking finding: research assistants were reluctant to offer critical feedback because they were worried that, as a result, they would not get a good recommendation for graduate school. Power dynamics are real, and early career scholars do not have power. I was in the meeting where they presented the results to the officers and section chiefs. Not surprisingly, the men in the room tried to explain the uncomfortable findings away. It was not them.; it was not their division; it was not their section. Bullshit. I basically said so in the meeting. Note that the woman is not doing a Ph.D. in economics. After seeing what economists are like, few Black women research assistants from the Board have. It breaks my heart. We do not deserve them. Diversity without inclusion is cruel.
  • My experiences and those of others taught me that new economists are also vulnerable. They are easy to harass and intimate. They have the least power among economists, do not know what is acceptable, and often have impostor syndrome. I know. From 2008 to 2011, one man economist in private and in front of others demeaned my expertise. In 2008, I did not go to my commencement because he had convinced me I did not deserve my Ph.D. I got the top rating in my performance review in 2008. I now know it is extremely rare for a first-year economist to get top marks. I did deserve my Ph.D. The harassment did not stop. He and a buddy supervised me on a ‘Literature Conversation with the Chairman’ in May 2011 on household leverage. I was thrilled to present to then-Chair Ben Bernanke and other Fed Governors. The supervisor on the project came to my office and told me, “The Chairman does not want to hear about your research. He wants to hear about research that is going to a top journal.” That hurt. I presented Mian and Sufi. After difficult weeks of preparation, I enjoyed the meeting with Bernanke, Yellen, and Tarullo. As soon as I left the library, I was scolded for not sticking to the research. I talked too much about policy. Nearly all the women I know at the Board have had their expertise and accomplishments devalued by a colleague at some point. I am not special.
  • I was under intense stress as a new economist. I started right before the Great Recession and was one of the lead economists on consumer spending. I did my job well, but a few senior officers often told me that I “did not know what I was doing.” The Great Recession and slow recovery were difficult to analyze and painful to watch as people out in the real world suffered. I now know that excessive stress triggers my bipolar episodes. I did not know then about my condition. I had several depression episodes from 2008 to 2011 and one manic episode in 2011. So, every winter during those early years at the Board, I was depressed. [Redacted.] I always did my work but could hardly get out of bed in the winter except to go to work. Then in 2011, I cycled from depression to mania. From April to August, I slept at most four hours at night and became increasingly irritable. I was not myself. I did not know what was wrong. It was a painful time at home and at work.
  • I imploded on the Friday before the August 2011 FOMC meeting. I gave a trusted officer a list of everything that had been said or done to me since I started at the Board. He told me some of it was wrong and to go home and rest. That is the only forecast memo I did not finish. Instead, I went to the emergency room and slept for the first time in months. I sent a humiliating email to the ‘good men’ economists in my life. I remain embarrassed by my weird email. My advisor called my ally that night and asked, “what did you [the Fed] do to her?” My Board ally gets credit for me keeping my job. [He disagrees that my job was ever at risk. I felt like it might be.] But even he did not tell me to go to Employee Relations, the professional mediators at the Board. I went to another officer in administration on a forecast-related episode with these same two men. She said it was better they questioned my judgment in private than in a forecast meeting. I disagreed. In a meeting, I would have had backup. I stopped going to people. It was always my fault [implicitly]. It was always explained away.
  • My ally, who had a reporting requirement, did not tell me that I could file an EEOC complaint for harassment. As a section chief, I did not know until 2018 that we had Employee Relations at the Board. I could have gotten help. I could have filed an EEOC complaint. My ally ensured I never worked for that man on a project again.  I said I would quit if I did. [Redacted.] I spent years in therapy and took loads of medication. [Redacted.]. My tormentor is now a very high-ranking officer. I left the Fed.

Elites punch down and attack those with opinions different than theirs

  • Elite departments are the gatekeepers of the economics profession. They circle wagons around other elites. MIT, Harvard, and Chicago define what is “good” research. They run two of the top five journals that many elite departments require for tenure. They decide what is cutting-edge economics. They decide who gets the top honors in the profession. Research on race and gender and work using feminist or alternate frameworks has been rejected for decades. The gatekeepers pass leadership to their students at elite universities. Many MIT and Harvard students are automatic members of the National Bureau of Economic Research. Economists outside elite circles are not seen as scholars. They are not voted in as members of the NBER; they are not invited to give seminars at elite departments and are not part of the American Economics Association’s leadership. A handful of departments run economics. They maintain an exclusive culture.
  • Hostile attacks from senior economists on junior economists are common, often in seminars and other public settings. As one personal example, in May 2015, on Twitter, AAAA a Nobel Laureate, was talking with BBBB [a friend] about the effects of the Making Work Pay tax credit on consumer spending. I sent BBBB my paper with Matthew Shapiro and Joel Slemrod. We find that the 2009-10 tax credit, which was partly based on AAAA’s earlier research, was less effective than the 2008 tax rebates. I shared the link to the FEDS working paper version. AAAA’s public tweet replied, “there is a reason that paper was never published. Badly flawed. Asked people to remember what they did with the money. Huh?”  He was the AEA President at the time. I replied politely, “actually, it was published in AEJ: Economic Policy, thanks!” Then he said, “ok, one for your side. I have not seen the published version.” So much for an open exchange of ideas. Our hyper-competitive field allows point scoring over the scientific inquiry.
  • In another episode, when AAAA derided research by Andrew Chang, an Asian man economist at the Board, and his co-author Phillip Li. In their paper, “Is Economics Research Replicable? Sixty Published Papers from Thirteen Journals Say, ‘Often No.’” they tried to replicate results in 67 papers published in 13 well-regarded economics journals using author-provided files. They could replicate the main result in only one-third of the papers without the authors’ help and only half with their help.  AAAA disagreed vehemently with their results. On Twitter, AAAA said to CCCC, “that paper’s title is highly misleading. No significant errors [in the published papers] were found. Like saying Federer’s serve is hard to replicate.” What? The authors and several Board research assistants had devoted hundreds of hours to their study. There were errors that fundamentally changed the results. AAAA’s public tweet was rude. No surprise, their paper was desk rejected at the American Economic Review and not published in any journal in their study. Early-career economists often suffer retaliation when they question top economists.
  • The attacks on my economic expertise continue now. Every year at least one senior man has disparaged my expertise to my face or in writing to me. Every year! After Kate Davidson at the Wall Street Journal wrote a piece on the Sahm rule, I received an email from DDDD, the former Fed official who I had never met or spoken to before. He sent me a screenshot of a Goldman Sachs newsletter in 2001 with a recession indicator. The subtext [as I interpreted it and peers I showed it to] was I did not deserve the Sahm rule. The Sahm rule is in FRED, Haver, and Bloomberg terminals. It was my last week at the Board when he emailed me. Not only did I have a man again suggesting [in my opinion] that I did not deserve my accomplishments. The indicator in the newsletter was the Board’s internal rule of thumb and is not as accurate as my indicator. After my Sahm rule first got attention, a man from the Ohio state government contacted me and said they were thinking about using my rule to kick on enhanced food stamp benefits in a recession. If a recession indicator were widely known, if everyone got that Goldman Sachs newsletter, no one would have cared about the Sahm rule. They do care. It is now in several legislative proposals for automatic stabilizers. If I had listened to all the men like DDDD during my career, the Sahm rule would not exist. I would not be an economist now. My roadblocks are not special. [I had a good conversation with DDDD after this post. He did not intend for me to interpret his email as devaluing my contribution. We also discussed power dynamics and how he, in my opinion, had more than I did in the profession.]

Economists discourage economists from under-represented groups

  • Economics has a race problem. Recent racist remarks from leading economists, such as EEEE, highlight the problem. On Twitter, he blamed the protesters for the riots after George Floyd’s murder. EEEE questioned their right to free assembly. When others pushed back on Twitter, he doubled down. FFFF came to his defense, quoting Martin Luther King Jr. I reminded FFFF that we [white people] killed him. FFFF, too, doubled down. A former Black student [Redacted] at Chicago shared that EEEE had made racist comments in class and moved his lecture to the Martin Luther King holiday. EEEE had passed it off as a joke. Another Black woman economist in a different cohort shared a similar experience with EEEE. The New York Times covered the incident. Research on racism is not published in the Journal of Political Economy, which is maybe unsurprising given that EEEE is its head editor. [He is no longer in that role.]
  • Both EEEE and FFFF also have a history of undermining women economists. As the head editor at the Journal of Political Economy,  EEEE is known for being an unfair editor, including third-round rejections of papers and questionable treatment of authors, including but not limited to women. FFFF harassed women for years while at [Redacted.]. Every Ph.D. student had to take his class. For example, he told one woman that she should leave economics. He made sexist remarks in class. The department tolerated his unprofessional behavior and celebrated his research. [Redacted.]
  • Top research on race and economics often perpetuates racist tropes. In an interview in April 2020, GGGG said,
    • “The progress of African Americans over the past century is staggering. Many have shaken off the legacies of poverty and discrimination. Those who deny that the American Dream is achievable ignore the myriad success stories and the mindset for personal growth that America offers.”
    • “The current research in the field is shoddy. It has gained traction because it appeals to the negative image of American society held by leading opinion makers like the New York Times and the Atlantic.”
  • Numerous economists pushed back on his claims on Twitter. They argued that Black people continue to face discrimination and economic barriers. He undercut research that disagrees with him on scientific merits and cultural policies. I wrote on Twitter that I disagree with GGGG’s comments but said he had the right to hold those views. I noted that he co-authored with people of color. [Redacted.] GGGG dismissed these facts and made racist remarks on other occasions. The person of color was offended but did not pursue the issue. Others reminded me that GGGG has published research for decades, promoting his narrow-minded view of racial and ethnic minorities. GGGG is a Nobel Laureate.
  • Professors casually make racist and sexist remarks to undergraduates. In addition to being disrespectful, it makes students less likely to pursue a career in economics. A recent undergraduate in economics at Penn told me how a senior professor repeatedly made such comments. One example was in an undergrad labor economics class. He could not remember the word for Native Americans. He called them “red Indians.”  The students were stunned and did not know what to say. He also made sexist comments to undergraduate women. He suggested that women students should get an MBA, not an econ Ph.D. He said it is hard for women to have kids and do economics. The man student, who witnessed these incidents, complained to the department and to the economics student association. No action was taken. He does not want to be an economist. Shocker.
  • Leaders often downplay the concerns of women and minority men economists. When economists in under-represented groups report an incident, they are often told they are being too sensitive or unreasonable. The leaders of the profession turn a blind eye to such reports. Often the profession awards economists esteemed positions without checking complaints. HHHH was elected to the AEA Executive, while a case of sexual harassment was pending against him. IIII was elected AEA President in an uncontested election, even as Asian economists were concerned about his views toward them.  It should surprise no one that IIII’s work as a paid consultant for Harvard upset our Asian colleagues. IIII argued that systematically subjective ratings on ‘soft skills’ justified Harvard not admitting Asians with higher test scores and grades. Asian economists have long complained others ding their technically solid work for not being creative. IIII will assume the leadership of the AEA in January. I am not here to judge, but I do think a conversation is necessary.
  • Elites tolerate the bad behavior of other elites. The reverence toward JJJJ exemplifies my claim. During his entire career, JJJJ has attacked others who disagree with him. He is a Clark Medalist and a high-ranking former economic official.  [Redacted.] In 2005, JJJJ delivered remarks at NBER Conference on Diversifying the Science & Engineering Workforce. One hypothesis he offered for fewer women faculty in the sciences was “different availability of aptitude at the high end.” Some men economists counter, “JJJJ was only “asking questions” about women’s IQ. Anyone who is a researcher knows that the questions we ask reflect our priors and interests. I was a Ph.D. student at the time. I did not attend the lecture, but I heard about it. I cannot imagine how the women in the room felt. I felt awful when I read it. [Redacted.]
  • JJJJ continues to demean women in economics. [Some of the following were redacted.] I had a woman economist come to me about an offhand comment JJJJ made to her; he had questioned whether economics was for her. I told her it absolutely is for her. Why am I picking up the pieces of others’ hurtful words? [I doubt that JJJJ meant to be so hurtful, and I doubt he even remembers saying it to her. People in positions of power should consider how their words may negatively affect those with less power.]

Economics promotes elitism over science

  • Leaders of the economics profession, including AEA Execute, Nobel Laureates, and Clark Medalists, almost exclusively hold degrees from top universities. They have top publications. They are Fed Chairs, Council of Economic Advisers Chairs, and Treasury Secretaries. They have huge public platforms. Many elites argue that they earned their status to some extent, that is true. They worked hard. In many cases, their research is top-notch. Even so, they won the lottery when admitted to a top program. Some won the lottery earlier and were born into prestigious economic families. From the start of their education, they were taught the methods, and the research questions that the leaders in the discipline thought were worthy of inquiry. Their outcomes partially reflect their privileged start in economics. It is inexcusable that AEA Executive does not reflect the diversity of its members. It is inexcusable that faculty from liberal arts colleges and state schools have never led the AEA. It is inexcusable that economists with other methodological approaches have not led. Elitism suppresses diversity and inclusion. That undermines our science.
  • Elites defend their status. On Twitter, I criticized KKKK’s claims in a Financial Times article in May, “Why inflation might follow the pandemic?” I said that I disagreed with his ‘what if’ inflation scenarios and said they were badly timed. KKKK asked me privately why I was criticizing him. I explained. It was a professional conversation. Two well-respected macroeconomists told me to lay off KKKK. This incident is an example of how elites protect other elites. I told KKKK about the scoldings. He told me to “go after the right targets,” not him. I should be allowed to argue on economic merits, regardless of the other person. I will continue to. [Redacted.]

Economists hurt people outside economics with bad policy advice

  • The toxic culture of economics reduces the quality of our economic policy advice. As a personal example: in early 2008, I talked with a peer about the staff’s assumptions on spending from the rebates. He was the briefer in a staff presentation to the Board, and I was the consumer spending analyst. The briefing text did not accurately convey our staff’s views on the rebates, and I was talking with him about how to adjust his text. My tormentor walked in and said to him, “Don’t listen to her. She does not know what she is talking about.” I was speechless and hurt. I left the office. My peer repeated the incorrect description of the staff view at the briefing. They teach staff economists not to stand up in the Board room and contradict a colleague. I sat quietly. I was demoralized. Not only did the officer undermine my credibility, but my peer also listened, and the Board was given incorrect information.
  • As a bigger example, national media is now covering racism in economics. Nearly all Black economists who study racism have had their research marginalized and rejected from top journals. Instead, during the mass protests, we had EEEE, the head editor at a top 5 research journal, sharing his racist views [in my view] on Twitter and his blog. It is painfully obvious why the leaders in the economics profession do not have anything intelligent about race and the economy. It matters for large groups of people. Black unemployment is always, in good times and bad, nearly twice the White unemployment rate. We did not learn that in my macro or labor field courses. We did not teach that in Intermediate Macro. If we do not know the facts, if we do not ask the questions, then how will we offer good policy advice. Amara Omeokwe at the Wall Street Journal wrote, “Economics Journals Faulted for Neglecting Studies on Race and Discrimination.” She details the barriers that Black economists face to publishing their work. It is 2020, and our Black colleagues must still explain why their research is top-notch?
  • The damage in economics is on full display in the Covid-19 crisis. From bad economic policy advice to counterproductive infighting, economics is failing the American people.  Elites shut down debate. An example is in LLLL’s “Will We Flunk Pandemic Economics?” in early April.
    • “What should we be doing? Serious economists have already reached a rough consensus over the appropriate policy response to a pandemic. The bottom line is that this isn’t a conventional recession, which calls for broad-based economic stimulus.”
    • Who are the “serious economists?” LLLL links to KKKK and MMMM. Many agreed with their views on the economy and policy responses; however, reasonable people like me disagreed with them. However, when elites define who is a “serious economist” and who is not, they suppress debate. [Redacted.]
  • Secondly, many economists are tone deaf to the crisis. A well-respected economist was asked about the model at a virtual macro seminar early in the crisis. He replied, “deaths from the coronavirus are changes in the stock of people in my model.” Yes, that is a literal math reading, but we were in a raging pandemic. His seminar was live-streamed and public. None of the macro men on the screen batted an eye.
  • Finally, economists blur the line between research and politics. Last month, NNNN left the Trump Council Economic Advisers. [Redacted.] I and many others have criticized the economic analysis from CEA during this crisis. That said, I respect anyone who serves in the government. In this time of crisis, we especially need good economists at CEA. After the news broke that NNNN was leaving, many elite, left-of-center economists attacked him. Some even questioned his character in public. [Redacted.] My comeback to the critics was to ask if they had volunteered to serve at the Trump CEA. I and other former CEA economists have been helping CEA since the crisis began. The vocal critics have not. The world is burning. How could you not add your expertise?

Recent AEA efforts cause pain and burden women and minority men economists

  • A reckoning over gender in economics began in August 2017, when Justin Wolfers wrote “Evidence of a Toxic Environment for Women in Economics” about Alice Wu’s research in the New York Times. Wu’s paper, “Gender Bias in Rumors Among Professionals: An Identity-based Interpretation,” was her undergraduate thesis at Berkeley. She documented the misogynistic, racist, homophobic comments about economists on the anonymous forum, Economic Job Market Rumors. EJMR began when I was on the job market in 2007. Economists have been told since then to ignore the website, even as economists were viciously attacked, in at least one case, stalked at a conference. Nonetheless, most job market candidates visit the EJMR Job Wiki to get non-public information on the hiring status. Some advisers encourage their students to check it. EJMR is not the source of our toxic culture is a symptom of it.
  • After the article on Wu’s research, economists demanded that the AEA address the horrible behavior on EJMR and in the profession. The AEA acted. We now have the AEA Code of Professional Conduct; Policy on Harassment and Discrimination; Ombudsperson; Committee on Equity, Diversity, and Professional Conduct; our first Climate Survey; EconSpark (a substitute for the EJMR forum); and EconTrack (a substitute for EJMR Job Wiki). I appreciate these efforts. Unfortunately, their implementation was uneven. Poor implementation hurts victims again and discourages economists from coming forward.
  • After the AEA created EconSpark, Executive Committee members started conversations. They tried to draw economists to the new site and away from EJMR. It did not work. The site is used infrequently. It did not become a substitute for EJMR. Instead of asking why and trying a new approach, the AEA seems to have abandoned the effort.
  • Another well-intentioned effort was AEA EconTrack. The idea is to have departments register and log their job market status on the website. Job candidates can check this verified information instead of the crowd-sourced, anonymous information on EJMR. Again, the implementation fell short. Early this year, I began emailing departments whose hiring information was on EJMR but not EconTrack. I showed them the information on EJMR. I asked them to consider posting on EconTrack. I contacted over 20 departments, and about half joined EconTrack. I doubled the number of departments on EconTrack. Getting departments to join EconTrack was not my job. It took time, and a few chairs asked why I was contacting them, not the AEA. Good question. I did it for the job candidates. Even with my efforts, many more departments were on EJMR’s Job Wiki than EconTrack.
  • Finally, the process to file a harassment and discrimination complaint was not ready to launch last year. I filed the first complaint in the summer of 2019. It was on behalf of a man economist who had been viciously harassed on EJMR for years. After I sent in my formal complaint, OOOO told me it “would not stand up in a court of law.” I do not see anything in the AEA policy about going to court. I retracted my complaint.  I got EJMR to remove the thread that included a death threat against him. Later, I was met with skepticism when I sent screenshots of an attack on a Black woman economist. I did not feel like OOOO understood the gravity of the thread. [Redacted. The attack on EJMR had lasting professional consequences for the woman.] After the second discouraging interaction with OOOO, I no longer recommend people file complaints. I will not again. The AEA is working to improve the system. Next time AEA, wait until you have a process that works. You are hurting victims. It is not OOOO’s fault. It is a bad process that the AEA put in place. We must do better.

In closing, thank you for the opportunity to share my reflections on economics. I will continue to mentor and support others. Our future is so bright. I cannot undo the hurt that economics causes. I am tired. Efforts to change our culture are cheap talk if we do not act. Instead of a victory lap, we should be ashamed of the lack of progress and the sloppy implementation. Until we make progress, I will no longer identify as a member of the American Economics Association or the economics profession. Congrats.

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Addendum: Not surprisingly, I am the only individual who has been punished professionally for my blog post. I did not write it to advance my career; I wrote it to advance the careers of others who experience mistreatment and abuse. Above all, I wrote it for the students. Our future is bright, even if our present is not.

what’s on my mind … Feb 17

The past weeks have been a exciting ride. On my mind today: #FedWeek in Congress, Community Reinvestment Act, and our next generation of economists.

Congress Created the Fed and Holds it Accountable

Chair Powell testified on Tuesday before the House Financial Services and Wednesday before Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. Congress require testimony from the Fed Chair twice a year. Senators Hubert Humphrey and Augustus Hawkins led in establishing this practice in 1978. The Fed also submits a Monetary Policy Report to Congress. Why does this matter? The officials at the Federal Reserve are not elected by a popular vote, and yet they have an important role in the economy. The Federal Reserve is independent from Congress and the Administration, in that they do not take orders on how to conduct policy. Even so, they are accountable to the elected members of Congress. The arrangement is not perfect, but it’s basically the best of all other options.

If you have time to watch only one snippet from the hearings, listen to the exchange between Representative Ayanna Pressley and Chair Powell. You will hear more from me at Equitable Growth on all of Representative Pressley’s questions and his answers. In the meantime, read up on Coretta Scott King’s pivotal role in creating the full employment mandate. I bet Chair Powell has been studying it too since the hearing.

#FedWeek ended with a bang on Thursday. Senate Banking held the confirmation hearing of Judy Shelton and Chris Waller. The Senate’s role in confirming Fed Governors is a another crucial way to hold the Fed accountable. Please watch this hearing from start to finish. I live tweeted the hearing here. See also my reaction in Brendan Greeley‘s article for The Financial Times:

FT_confirm

Community Reinvestment Act: Its Matters

Monetary policy is not the only responsibility that the Federal Reserve has. Bank oversight is another key responsibility. Last week I wrote a piece at Equitable Growth, “Encouraging banks to serve the credit needs of everyone,” about the Community Reinvestment Act. I give a brief overview of the reason for the legislation. Its main goal was to address an ugly history of banks discriminating against black families through the 1960s. I discuss the current proposal from Joseph Otting, the Comptroller of the Currency to change the way the oversight is done. Above all, I argue that the work is not complete, as one can see in the large disparities in the wealth of black and white households today.

wealth

My chart caused a stir on the Twitter. Racists, men economists, and others told me I was sending the wrong message. Several men economists claimed that my chart was “sensationalist,” since I did not show wealth per capital. Whites population is six times black population. If you take than into account, on average, white have 3.5 times the wealth of blacks.  I was told “20 > 3.5.” Seriously? I have a Ph.D. in economics, in addition, to the fact that I finished elementary school. But I digress.

I showed wealth totals by race for A GOOD REASON. I read Professor Mehrsa Baradaran’s book, The Color of Money, in one weekend last spring. It was compelling and horrifying. I learned from her that blacks were almost entirely kept out of the banking system in the United States for decades and decades. In response, blacks created their own banks. Unfortunately to have a viable banking system, you have to have deposits to lend out. Discrimination in all aspects of their lives meant that blacks had too little in savings to make black banks flourish. Black banks then failed at a much higher rate than other banks, leading to destruction of the little savings they had.

To be generous to my ‘chartsplainers,’ I did not know the heartbreaking history of black banks until I read Professor Baradaran’s book. Live and learn. I too have much to learn too. After tweeting, in particular about the need for reparations, Professor Sandy Darity graciously offered to talk with me about the details of his proposal. Details matter, as does rectifying the injustices evident in the racial wealth gap today.

 

Diversity and Inclusion in Economics

I am dedicated to a more diverse and inclusive economics profession. It is equitable. It will also help us understand the world around us and give better policy advice. My world view has widen so much from reading research from and conversation with economists of color, especially women of color. Damn, they have so much to teach the rest of us. I get tougher (and better) questions from them than macroeconomist men.

Highlight of  last week: I talked with Rahma Ahmed and Chinemelu Okafor, two early-career black women economists who have founded Research in Color. They have paired 15 early-career black women with mentors. The mentees are doing independent research projects that they will present at a conference this summer. Research in Color is also committed to giving funds to each mentee for their applications to graduate school and travel expenses. It costs money to even apply to graduate school and it’s bad for economics to lose future researchers due to a few hundred dollars. DONATE here.

Highlight of this week: The second annual Sadie Collective conference for young black women is almost here!! I have been in awe of this group since the start. Co-founders Anna Gifty Opoku-Agyeman and Fanta Traore are a force of nature. You can listen to them on this episode of the St. Louis Fed’s Women in Economics podcast. I had the privilege of working with the scholars on who will share their research at a poster session on Thursday night.  You can support then financially here.

When I get discouraged about the economics profession and how it treats people, I think of the next generation of researchers. They are fighting so hard. They should not have to. I should not have to. But hey, we are making a difference. The economics and the many people who economics affects are better for it.

joy to the (macro) world

My post introduces you to the 21 job market candidates in macroeconomics, whose papers I had the privilege to comment on their writing this fall. Below is my summary of their papers and links to their papers. Here is Macro_Candidates document with the full list. Enjoy their research. I did!

Hang out with us macro economists on #EconTwitter and you will see a curious ritual. Someone criticizes macro and BOOM … it’s batten down the hatches, circle the wagons, fire up the torpedoes, etc. Today’s post is NOT about the macro wars and NOT about the macro economist reactions. That conversation is bogged down. And I am in a good mood.

So let’s talk about the future. I want to share the research from 21 of our newest economists who are currently on the job market. Earlier this fall, I commented on their papers, across a wide range of macro topics. It’s the economics in their papers that stands out; our newest colleagues are the most cutting edge among us. In addition, these new scholars care about communicating their research well. They each asked me for feedback on their writing and then put in the effort to improve. Now we all can see their economic insights more clearly. Better communicationengaging, listening, thinking, respondingis valuable for EVERYONE.

I have grouped their research under five big-picture questions:

  • How do differences across people affect the economy?
  • How do differences across businesses affect the economy?
  • How can we ensure that markets are dynamic and robust?
  • How do individual decisions add up to market-level outcomes?
  • How can we better understand our dynamic economy ?
  • How can we improve economic policy and raise overall well-being?

Each researcher here addresses at least one of these important questions. Read paper by paper the progress at the frontier of economics may seem glacial. Taken as a whole, it is quite exciting.  My goal is to provide a window into their scholarship. You can find much more in their papers. If the page count is daunting, their introductions give an overview of their contributions, technical approaches, and findings. I hope you enjoy their research, as much as I did. To give each the focus that they deserve, I will write this post in installments over the next week. Here we go.

PART ONEDifferences in our world matter 

across people … 

Economists have long pondered how differences across people affect the economy. Yet to study our complex world, macro models sometimes compress us into a single ‘representative agent.’  No one believes that we all make the same decisions, but it is an attemptsuch as it isto tie our understanding of the economy back to individuals.

These four new research papers widen the lens and help us to understand how specific differences across people shape their decisions and the economy.

Who Benefits from Innovations in Financial Technology? by Roxana Mihet

Mihet shows that the explosion of financial technologies for individual investors, such as e-trading platforms and online information about stock returns, does not guarantee broad increases in household wealth. Instead, the sophisticated investors who already have relatively high levels of wealth are most likely to benefit from many of the new technologies. She creates a theoretical model of asset managers and investors to show which types of new technologies can reinforce existing disparities in wealth. Empirically she finds that new technologies since the early 2000s that lowered the cost of information about asset managers and assets returns have contributed to increases in wealth inequality.

Liquidity Constraints and Healthcare Expenditure by Sümeyye Yildiz 

Yildiz explores how being unable to spend as much as needed—referred to as liquidity constraints—today, as well as expected constraints in the future affect healthcare spending.  Specifically, differences in wealth and income interact to create differences in out-of-pocket medical expenditures.  She studies both medical and food expenses. In her model and empirical analysis, Yildiz shows that many low-wealth households cannot spend as much as they need on healthcare. In addition, this spending increases more if a low-wealth household has relatively high income. In contrast, among high-wealth households, most can spend as much as they need today, but those with relatively high income are more likely to expect constraints in the future. As a result, they lower their medical expenses today. Finally, Yildiz shows that food expenditures vary less with income across the wealth distribution and are higher among those with higher income. 

Risky Business: The Choice of Entrepreneurial Risk under Incomplete Market by Baxter Robinson

Baxter unpacks an important barrier to starting a business—would-be entrepreneurs are unable to protect themselves against future declines their income or business failures. No market currently exists for individuals to buy such insurance. As a result, banks limit their lending to new entrepreneurs, so wealthy individuals are more likely to become entrepreneurs. They are also more likely to start high-risk, high-return businesses. Wealth begets more wealth. Baxter models the choice to become an entrepreneur and how risky a business to start. He uses survey data to ground the predictions of his model in reality. He shows that providing insurance for entrepreneurs would increase the number of business start-ups, raise their overall rate of return, and boost productivity in the overall economy.

Less is More Expensive: Income Differences in Buying Bulk by Mallick Hossain

Hossain examines a factor that increases the costs for low-income households when buying necessities, like groceries. Low-income households are less likely to buy items in bulk than high-income households. By buying less at one time, their total cost for the same amount of groceries is higher.  Non-financial factors create barriers to bulk buying, as well as financial ones. As one of three examples in his paper, he finds that the rate of bulk buying across low- and high-income households is more similar in states where grocery stores are required to display unit costs along with the sales price. Unit costs make it easier for consumers to compare the total costs of buying in small or a large quantities. Using individuals’ purchases from grocery stores, Hossain finds that low-income households would lower their total grocery bills substantially if they bought in bulk as often as high-income households. 

across businesses … 

These next three papers explore differences across businesses. For example, together they show how local market shares or the macroeconomic environment can affect economic outcomes.

Multinationals, Monopsony and Local Development: Evidence from the United Fruit Company by  Diana Van Patten (with Estéban Mendez-Chacón)

Van Patten addresses a question that has received renewed attention among  economists and policymakers. How does a large employer in a labor market affect the outcomes of local workers? Economists refer to this form of employer-employee power as a monopsony. She studies the effect of the United Fruit Company, a large multinational corporation, on workers in the areas of Costa Rica where the company operated. Van Patton uses the geographic boundaries of the government land concessions to the company. Importantly, the government set these boundaries from 1889 to 1984 mostly in an arbitrary way. That quasi-random variation allows her to estimate the effects of the monoposony. Van Patten finds that the company substantially raised the living standard of workers in its labor markets. She argues that key mechanisms for this positive outcome are workers moving to the company and the company’s training its workers.

Downward Rigidity in the Wage for New Hires by Jonathan Hazell (with Bledi Taska)

Hazell studies the costliest part of recessions: the sharp rise in the unemployment rate. A long-standing explanation is that businesses are unable reduce wages of their workers. As a result, layoffs are their main way they can adjust to a fall in demand. Hazell uses detailed data on job vacancies from Burning Glass Technologiesa large online site for job postings. He documents changes in wages for new hires for the the same job. Wage offers for new hires reveal the market wage across changes in economic conditions. Hazell shows that wages do not fall in recessions but rise notably in expansions. Pairing data with a wage bargaining model, he finds that the unemployment rate is twice as sensitive to negative shocks to the economy as positive ones.

Employment Decline during the Great Recession: The Role of Firm Size Distribution by Wenjian Xu

Xu explores how concentration in local labor marketsas in the case of a monoposonyexacerbates job losses in a recession. Using experiences in the Great Recession, he shows empirically that communities in which a single firm dominated an industry lost more jobs than communities with less concentration. To explain this dynamic, Xu builds a model of the economy in which firms differ in their share of the labor market.  He argues that when relatively large firms are hit with a reduction in demand, smaller nearby firms are unable to offset the negative effects.  He rules out empirically other explanations in the Great Recession: hard hit industries, like durable goods manufacturing, or highly levered firms in the same area do not explain the unemployment patterns. In addition, displaced workers that switch from concentrated industries to less concentrated ones did not undo local employment losses. Xu shows that concentration in local labor markets leaves communities more vulnerable to negative economic shocks in a recession.

PART TWO … Learning from financial markets

The global financial crisis in 2008 and its ugly aftermath demand that economists understand the inner workings and macroeconomic effects of financial markets better. Conventional wisdom that markets are largely efficient and will ‘compete away’ mistaken views took a drubbing in the crisis.  These three papers dive into details of financial markets. They use their models to explain real-world events and offer ways to make financial markets more sound.

Securitization and House Price Growth by Genevieve Nelson

Nelson studies the large increase in house prices and mortgage credit in the early to mid 2000s. The source of the bubble remains contested among economists. She argues that innovations in mortgage securitization increased credit supply and amplified the effects of other changes in demand and supply.  Nelson models decisions of commercial banks that lend to households and shadow banks that securitize those mortgages. The shadow banks allow commercial backs to move mortgages off their balance sheet and they are subject to less regulatory oversight.  Innovations that made securitization more profitableeven as mortgage rates fellallowed shadow banks to expand their balance sheets and issue more securities. In a simulation of her model, Nelson finds that innovation in securitization can account for more than two thirds of the rise in house prices and about one third of the increase in non-conforming mortgages credit.

Fortifying Banks by Alison Oldham Luedtke (with Eric Young)

Luedtke explores the characteristics of bank-to-bank lending networks that can protect against cascading failures in a financial crisis. Such cascades caused extensive damage and threatened the entire financial system in 2008. Her goal is to identify how to fortify a network of banks with targeted government guarantees.  Her model allows for various size and scope of lending between banks. Luedtke shows that networks in which banks are highly interconnectedin their lending and borrowingand are not concentrated around a few large banks are easier to stabilize. In those cases, the government can guarantee the loans at a relatively smaller number of banks and still contain financial contagion. An analysis of inter-bank lending in 1867 shows that costs of containing a crisis are in line with her theoretical model. Finally, Luedtke argues it is more cost effective to fortify banking networks before a crisis than to bail out ‘too-big-to-fail’ banks in a crisis.

Yield Curve Volatility and Macroeconomic Risk by Anne Lundgaard Hansen

Hansen studies what the yield curveinterest rates at different maturity datesfor U.S. Treasury bonds tell us about macroeconomic risks. She unpacks the changes in the yield curve that forecasters often use to predict recessions.  To do so, Hansen introduces time-varying volatility and variance risk premia in term structure model of interest rates. She then uses her flexible model to characterize how the yield curve relates to inflation and unemployment since the 1970s. She shows that the degree to which macroeconomic fluctuations have affected interest rates has differed over time.  In an application of her model, she shows that macroeconomic shocks do not explain the yield curve inversion in 2019when long-term yields were lower than short-term yields. The most recent inversion of the yield curve is not warning us of a recession.

PART THREE … Individual decisions add up to market outcomes

For decades, macroeconomists have tried to build their models up from the decisions of individualsreferred to as micro foundations.  A challenge arises because in the economy the sum is often greater than its parts. Moreover, to study the world, our models must leave out many of the details. Choosing which details include in our models depend on the question we are trying to answer. In addition, our best models need to reflect the on-the-ground outcomes. These three papers bring empirical evidence to advance our understanding of how individual decisions affect market outcomes.

Networks of Monetary Flow at Native Resolutions by Carolina Mattsson

Mattsson studies how money flows through the economy. She documents the overall network as well as the individual transactions, which she refers to as money’s native resolution.  In doing so, Mattsson estimates the velocity of money—the rate at which the same money is used to make purchases. This velocity parameter is at the core of macroeconomic models of money. She models network flows using a large data set of mobile money transactions in East Africa. She finds that the duration between cash-in and payment-out differs by purchase activities. The mobile money system exhibits considerable variety in the velocity of money. Macroeconomic models with a single value for velocity will not capture pattern in real-world flows of money. 

House Price Expectations and Consumption— A Survey-based Experiment by Wei Qian

Qian uses a new approach to address a long-standing question in economics: when house prices rise, how much does consumer spending increase? Indeed, unrealistic expectations about house price growth may have contributed to the boom and bust in the housing markets during the Great Recession. To identify causal effects, she uses a survey experiment on expectations about house price growth. Specifically, Qian varies randomly whether individuals receive professional forecast of house prices. Individuals who received the forecasts had systematically different expectations than those who did not. She finds that higher house price expectations led to plans for higher spending. In addition, she provides evidence that the channel is a belief that higher household wealth will make it easier to borrow in the future. If households expect it be easier to borrow then they need to save less today. 

Information Campaign on Water Quality and Marriage Market: The Case of Arsenic Exposure in Rural Bangladesh by Prachi Singh (with Shyamal Chowdhury)

Singh explores how marriage markets in Bangladesh are affected by public information campaigns about local water contamination. Her work exemplifies how international the field of economics has become and how markets take many forms. Drinking water contaminated with arsenic has a range of negative health effects from skin lesions to cancer. Singh shows how individuals of marrying age react to information about effects and sites of contamination. She compares marriage markets in areas with arsenic contamination to areas without it. She finds that men and women in contaminated areas marry at a younger agespresumably to marry before signs of their worse health are evident. Likewise, the amount of money paid by the bride’s family to the groom’s falls substantially in areas with contamination.

PART FOURThink big about dynamics of our economy

For hundreds of years, economists have studied fluctuations in overall demand.  Recession cause considerable hardship and expansions bring us back toward our full potential. The 20-trillion-dollar economy of the United States is a challenge to understand and, even more so, to support well with economic policy. The four papers here explore how polices to stabilize the economy affect participants in the economy differently and how their reactions then affect the economy. This research shows how economists are looking ‘under the hood’ of aggregate income and paying attention to the distribution of economic outcomes.

Redistributive Fiscal Policy and Marginal Propensities to Consume by Mariano Spector

Spector sheds light on a central debate about how to best stabilize the economy during a recession. Over the past several decades, economists and policymakers relied heavily on monetary policy to smooth out these ups and down in demand. In the Great Recession, monetary policies were not enough and the federal government stepped in with fiscal stimulus. To get the most bang for the buck, we need to send stimulus to households, businesses, and local governments that will spend a lot quickly. Spector builds a cutting-edge macro model that allows consumers to have different propensities to spend out of government transfers. His findings underscore why we need to think about who will spend most rapidly. Spector shows that those who largely save the transfers, build wealth, and then spend more over the long term. An important insight from his analysis is that policy efforts to fight recessions may also widen the differences in wealth and economic well being across households.

Investment Dynamics and Cyclical Redistribution by Nathan Zorzi 

Zorzi explores a phenomena common in recessions: a sharp decline in spending on consumer durables, like autos, and residential investment, like new home construction. The inverse pattern occurs in expansions. These big purchases are less time sensitive than spending on necessities, like groceries, and are done sporadically. As a result, they can often be delayed until the economy improves. He uses a macroeconomic modelan extension of an important, new techniquein which individuals differ in whether they work in a one of these sectors or not. Zorzi demonstrates how negative economic shocks lead to larger income losses for durable-goods workers than other workers. On the flip side in expansions the incomes of those same workers rise more. He also shows that the propensity to spend on durables out of income increases with more income. Taken together, those working in durables goods sectors reduce their own spending on durable goods less in recessions than they increase it in expansions. This behavior dampens recessions and amplifies expansions. In his work, Zorzi brings attention to the feedback loop from aggregate shocks to individual shocks back to aggregate shocks.

Rational Inattention, Menu Costs, and Multi-Product Firms: Micro Evidence and Aggregate Implications by Choongryul Yang

Yang studies how differences across firms in the number products they sell affect their pricing decisions. The degree to and frequency at which firms change their prices due economic conditions has wide-ranging implications. It is costly for firms to gather information about the economy and then change their prices. Thus they tend to do so infrequently. This pattern, in turn, affects how much monetary policy can change overall output. With survey data from New Zealand, Yang documents that multiple-goods producers gather more information about economic conditions. As a result, they change their prices more often than single-goods producers.  His macroeconomic models show how these different dynamics affect the the economy. Yang demonstrates how specifics at the firm-level shape the effectiveness of monetary policy.

Compositional Nature of Firm Growth and Aggregate Fluctuations by Vladimir Smirnyagin

Smirnyagin examines a key source of a dynamic economy: the start and rapid expansion of new businesses. Empirically, he shows with data from both the United Kingdom and the United States that more rapidly-growing businesses are started in an expansion than in a recession. This finding is important because new, rapidly-growing businesses contribute disproportionately to job creation and investment.  These firms are hit hard in recessions, further weakening the economy. Smirnyagin documents that the ability to borrow more easily in an expansion is a likely reason why new managers are able expand their businesses more rapidly. With a model reflecting these empirical facts, he finds that changes in financial conditions can explain a large fraction of the variation in business expansion across booms and busts.  Finally, Smirnyagin shows how government policies that lower start up costs for businesses can bolster the overall economy, but only if the government targets businesses with high growth potential.

PART FIVE: Improve economic policy

All the research … pages and pages, reams of data, complex models, and dueling results … expands our understanding of our world, our decisions, and our opportunities. Providing better advice to economic policy makers is one important outcome of this research. These last four papers make us think hard about economic policies, especially effects that may be unintended and not intuitive.

The Minimum Wage and Occupational Mobility by Andrew Yizhou Liu

Liu explores how minimum wage policies affect workers; a question of heated debate among economists and policy makers alike. Many researchers have studied how these policies may change the employment of lower-wage workers and wages paid even above the minimum. Liu pursues another angle: the ability of workers to move from one occupation to another. Technology, trade, and shifting demand mean that workers, and economy as a whole, often benefit from them switching to new jobs and new careers. He finds that minimum wages make those transitions harder. Empirically, he shows that minimum wages lead employers to post fewer new jobs and wage differences across occupations narrow. As a result, workers have less opportunity and less incentive to change occupations. With his model, Liu estimates that an increase in the minimum wage could decrease the economy’s output, even if total employment is unchanged. His research—true of any research on economic policiesdoes not tell politicians what to do; it does add evidence on the economic costs and benefits to those policy deliberations.

Industry Impacts of Unconventional Monetary Policy by Eiji Goto

Goto turns our attention to how monetary policiesused to stabilize the overall economytend to affect some market participants more than others. His topic is especially important now, because the Federal Reserve and central banks around the world used new policy tools during the Great Recession and its slow recovery. From quantitative easing (buying assets to lower interest rates) to forward guidance (communicating of future actions) to negative interest rates, these so-called “unconventional policies” deserve careful study. Goto focuses on the effect of unconventional policy on industry-level output in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Japan. He finds that these new tools increased output differently across industries in a country. The patterns are broadly similar in all three countries. Goto also shows that the differences in industry responses from the new tools are similar to the prior ones.

Marriage and Income Risk in the United Kingdom by Johanna Tiedemann

Tiedemann studies how individuals by marrying and combining their two incomes can reduce the financial strain from ups and downs in the own income. Single individuals, in contrast, must find a way to smooth out such income changes on their own. In some cases, however, the income risk in a couple could increase, not decrease, by marrying. She shows empirically that couples with differing socioeconomic backgrounds, for example, different levels of education, do not, on average, benefit from combining their incomes. The income risk and potential financial strain of these married couples would be higher than if each stayed single. Tiedemann’s findings speak to household finances, as well as broader economic outcomes. Policies that encourage marriage could, unintentionally, lower the well-being of some individuals. More broadly, challenges to family formation and an inability to deal with unexpected changes in income can have negative implications for the overall economy.

Uncertain Policy Implementation with Public Information by Mat Knudson

Knudson studies another dimension of the policy processthe incentives that politicians face when they choose policies to propose and to implement. A timely topic as a range of presidential hopefuls pitch new policies and the current administration implement their’s. Knowing the effect of information, especially whether it is public or private, can affect behavior is unintended ways. He argue that the public vetting of proposals, by think tanks, researchers, or advocacy groups, shapes voters’ views about the competence of the politician. In fact, simply having a proposal deemed to be good, can improve the politician’s reputation and electoral chances.  This result can make it less likely that a politician wants to implement her good policy. She risks the bump to her reputation, if the public vetting was wrong and the policy fails. In contrast, a politician whose proposal was panned is more likely to implement his policy. If his policy succeeds, it could undo the damage from the vetting and increase his chances of being re-elected.  Public vetting, in Knudson’s model, has the perverse effect that policies judged to be of lower quality are more likely to be implemented than those of high quality.

 

Alice in Wonderland

One year ago today, Alice Wu’s research about sexism at an online economics forum made the news.  I was home in Indiana on vacation when I noticed my Twitter feed getting agitated. And yes, I got sucked in too. Down the rabbit hole of EJMR, yikes. Fast forward one year. It is impressive what that moment meant. The American Economics Association now has a professional code of conduct and new standing committee on Equity, Diversity, and Professional Conduct. The Committee on the Status of Women in Economics devoted an entire newsletter to sexual harassment. Prominent, welcome steps but none were easy or fully satisfying. What struck me most is how Alice Wu forced so many conversations among economists, ones that had long been avoided. Or rather had started decades ago in economics and got stuck because we did not take collective responsibility (as in, everyone, as in, YOU too).

These conversations about how we economists treat each other (and ourselves) are messy and time consuming. They make Mas Colell, Whinston, and Green’s textbook look like a breeze by comparison. (Actually, true for most of us. Selection biases aren’t just other people’s identification problems.) We are economists and Wu’s research may not feel like economics. I disagree. I restarted my macromom blog, spent time online and offline, trying to make sure we didn’t miss our moment to have a big conversation about why diversity matters for the economics. Big conversations start small and, guess what, they involve other people talking back, disagreeing, changing direction, being confused, sharing, cheering, awkward silence, etc. Not always comfortable but we all can do this, and largely with respect and curiosity. Below are some snippets said to me over the past year followed by my internal reaction:

“Why did my words disappoint?” Why are my emotions so hard to explain?

“What do you think AEA should do about job market info, exactly?” Why are you asking me? I am not in charge of anything. Yeah, you are asking someone!!

“Do you have a personal experience to add, here is mine and some others …” [sound of my heartbreaking for her and her and her … and us all.] But, wow so much bravery to call attention and push for something better.

“Women spend time on things that don’t matter for promotion.” Maybe those women are on to something? … like, what matters for the economics?

“You should not have shared your positive experience. It undermined her sharing a negative one.”My words (and actions) disappoint too. Saying sorry is a step, though avoiding the misstep is even better. Ruefully yours.

“In my view, virtually everyone has deeply hurt others, one way or another.” thanks and, yes, economists should write Hallmark cards.

And so many more. What did I learn this year? One person cannot do much, but a collection of ‘one persons’ can do a hell of a lot. I have been repeatedly inspired by the generosity, ingenuity, and unflagging energy of others in getting us organized in the past year. The next steps won’t be easy, as I said in my last post. Economics can be a more diverse, more inclusive profession, but that work can’t be outsourced to committees or a few ‘obsessed’ souls. If it matters, it must matter to all of us, and we all have to carve out time for conversations and action.

Thanks to Alice Wu for kicking us down this rabbit hole.

next steps, these won’t be easy

Whew! this macromom has been busy and not writing here recently. Never fear, the survey is out (do watch the video, and use the data) and my research is humming along  (eight coauthors really can span sets) and I’ve got a few hours before my kids get back home today.

#icymi I want to share some recent developments on diversity in economics. AND to talk about the (tough) next steps ahead of us.

“The AEA Executive Committee recently adopted the AEA Code of Professional Conduct as revised by the Ad Hoc Committee to Consider a Code based on more than 200 comments received from the AEA membership. “

The American Economics Association now has a professional code of conduct. If you are an economist, read it and LIVE IT:

The American Economic Association holds that principles of professional conduct should guide economists in academia, government, nonprofit organizations, and the private sector.

The AEA’s founding purpose of “the encouragement of economic research” requires intellectual and professional integrity. Integrity demands honesty, care, and transparency in conducting and presenting research; disinterested assessment of ideas; acknowledgement of limits of expertise; and disclosure of real and perceived conflicts of interest.

The AEA encourages the “perfect freedom of economic discussion.” This goal requires an environment where all can freely participate and where each idea is considered on its own merits. Economists have a professional obligation to conduct civil and respectful discourse in all forums, including those that allow confidential or anonymous participation.

The AEA seeks to create a professional environment with equal opportunity and fair treatment for all economists, regardless of age, sex, gender identity and expression, race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, disability, health condition, marital status, parental status, genetic information, political affiliation, professional status, or personal connections.

Economists have both an individual responsibility for their own conduct, and a collective responsibility to promote professional conduct. These responsibilities include developing institutional arrangements and a professional environment that promote free expression concerning economics. These responsibilities also include supporting participation and advancement in the economics profession by individuals from all backgrounds, including particularly those that have been historically underrepresented.

The AEA strives to promote these principles through its activities.

See my earlier blog posts (here and here) on the proposed code of conduct. Happy to see a few of my suggestion made it into the final draft, though it is largely in the original (very good) form. Kudos to the 200 economists out of 20,000 AEA members who sent in suggestions. (Seriously, to the rest of you, I love you but come on … public goods don’t create themselves.) See the final report in April from this ad hoc committee (#5 made me smile, “fair treatment” is essential, and “equal” is not always “fair”). Thank you to the committee: John Campbell, Marianne Bertrand, Pascaline Dupas, Benjamin Edelman, and Matthew D. Shapiro.

From this effort, the AEA has formed two new ad hoc committees: 1) on Professional Climate in Economics see their report in April and  2) on Economists’ Career Concerns …and a new standing committee on Equity, Diversity, and Professional Conduct. Thanks to everyone involved. I am doing my small part (and you can too). I spoke at the Women in Economics conference in St. Louis, noted in the report. I am happy to add my two cents on these topics but it makes me a bit uneasy … I have not unlocked the secret to success. I worry A LOT that I am giving bad advice. I want to believe that economics is getting better, more inclusive and welcoming to diverse viewpoints but reality smacks me in the face from time to time.

So next steps. I am in favor of surveys of economists, since I know how much economists LOVE data … but these are not going to be the objective data that we want. He said / she said accounts do not fit well in the representative agent framework and I have seen subjective data criticized more than once. plus HOW MUCH EVIDENCE DO WE NEED TO DETERMINE A PROBLEM? The end of this latest CSWEP newsletter account from Jennifer Bennett Shinall, broke my heart:

“But to my knowledge, the one party who did not get punished was my harasser. He remains out there, unscathed due to the loopholes in our current system, free to harass other victims.”

Remind me again, why I am encouraging young women to enter the economics profession? How much “data” do you all need? And then read the anonymous accounts in that newsletter. AAARGH. You all know how hard economics is. The data, the identification, the communication. And then you’ve got jerks who think of you as boobs or as competition to knock off the platform. Ah, yes, but I should keep an open mind.

I want to close this post with an excellent point from Abigail Wozniak. She nailed the next steps, in my opinion. As a profession we have some very difficult conversations ahead of us. No amount of data can spare us. Read this discussion (with the Arrested Development cast) and find yourself.

“TAMBOR And I have, and am continuing to do. And I profusely have apologized. Ms. Walter is indeed a walking acting lesson. And on “Transparent,” you know, I had a temper and I yelled at people and I hurt people’s feelings. And that’s unconscionable, and I’m working on it and I’m going to put that behind me, and I love acting.

BATEMAN Again, not to belittle it or excuse it or anything, but in the entertainment industry it is incredibly common to have people who are, in quotes, “difficult.” And when you’re in a privileged position to hire people, or have an influence in who does get hired, you make phone calls. And you say, “Hey, so I’ve heard X about person Y, tell me about that.” And what you learn is context. And you learn about character and you learn about work habits, work ethics, and you start to understand. Because it’s a very amorphous process, this sort of [expletive] that we do, you know, making up fake life. It’s a weird thing, and it is a breeding ground for atypical behavior and certain people have certain processes.

SHAWKAT But that doesn’t mean it’s acceptable. And the point is that things are changing, and people need to respect each other differently.

WALTER [THROUGH TEARS] Let me just say one thing that I just realized in this conversation. I have to let go of being angry at him. He never crossed the line on our show, with any, you know, sexual whatever. Verbally, yes, he harassed me, but he did apologize. I have to let it go. [Turns to Tambor.] And I have to give you a chance to, you know, for us to be friends again.”

Personally, I alternate between Walter (still dealing with the anger in my earlier post) and Shawkat (trying to convince macro men they are hurting others, regardless their intentions). I have also been Bateman on occasion, making excuses for others and the profession. And I cannot tell you HOW MANY Batemans I have spoken to. It’s me, being too sensitive. Me, not understanding how our field works. Me. needing to cut some jerk slack. Me, not appreciating how rough it was thirty years ago. Okay. But what about them? I would MUCH rather be doing economics. I do not like personal conflict, and frankly there are much bigger problems out in the world. And it hurts to see my ‘economics heroes’ being so callous. Even so, we have to have these discussions, or else the code of conduct will be a hollow victory. And nothing will change.

PS. Let’s not make this too hard. We all have had the experience of going all in on a conclusion to then realize its not the right one. Thanks for Beatrice Cherrier for this Paul Samuelson revelation. Look “Ruefully, yours” is not the optimal outcome but it’s way better than digging your heels and being an idiot. Don’t be stupid.

 

 

from the comments … mine on the AEA’s code of conduct

This afternoon I submitted my comments on the AEA’s proposed code of conduct and interim report. You have until March 15th to do the same here.  I thought I would go ahead and share my comments below. Maybe this will spur other ideas for you to submit to the AEA … or you are welcome to reply with “what Claudia said” if you like.

Please, please take time to submit your comments.

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Thank you to everyone who got us to this point of submitting comments on specific proposals. I had expressed pessimism on my blog last summer and am encouraged by the response of the economics community so far. Even so, for the code and other proposals to lead to meaningful change, we will need sustained, broad-based efforts.

Comments on the code:

  • I agree with spirit of the first three paragraphs of the code, setting it squarely within the mission of the American Economic Association. Some have argued that the AEA is not in a position to push back against behavior on a private website or that civil discourse can be sacrificed. It is important for the code to clearly rebut those arguments.
  • I am concerned that the “equal treatment” and “equal opportunity” section will be used to defend the status quo. For example, Antecol, Bedard, and Stearns (2018) found that gender-neutral tenure clock adjustments benefited men over women. It would also be helpful in this section to state clearly that economics is currently far from this goal. In addition, the listing of “protected groups” could be counterproductive. Some may argue for additional groups like gender identity or political party affiliation. An alternate approach would be to simply state the goal: economic arguments should be evaluated respectfully on their scientific merits and not on the personal characteristics or affiliations of the economist.
  • The code ‘nailed the landing’ with its final paragraph. It is essential that we accept both individual and collective responsibility as professional economists. The silent bystanders need to speak up when they see problematic behavior.

Comments on the report:

  • The intention to make sure that AEA journals follow the code is a good one. It might be useful to run experiments at one of the journals or with a portion of the ASSA sessions. Empirical evidence on what works and what doesn’t would likely increase buy-in from economists and could establish best practices for other journals and conferences.
  • It is important that the leadership of the AEA is more representative of its members, including liberal arts colleges, government, and private sector economists, not just a handful of research universities.
  • A survey of the AEA membership is a good first step to assessing the status quo and the room for improvement. Please utilize experts in survey methodology as well as those with experience running surveys of economists and diversity efforts. A well-designed survey could be used both to survey members in general and to establish a baseline in specific environments that run experiments. Cognitive interviews and pre-testing can insure that the questions are working as expected before fielding the survey. Administrative, objective data is important to collect but so are more subjective, qualitative data. Please make sure the survey is run through the AEA and not pushed down to one of the diversity subcommittees. It is important to make sure response rates are high across various sub-populations of economists. One idea to raise participation would be to make it mandatory for registration at the ASSA meetings or for submitting to an AEA journal.
  • An assessment of seminar culture is important and should be done scientifically. The effect of the climate on participants is important, not just the outward interactions. The design of the study needs to be aware of the Hawthorne effect and confirmation bias of the data collectors. Please engage experts in communication outside of economics.
  • The steps to address bias are a good starting point. Please utilize resources like Diversifying Economic Quality and existing research. To encourage and support further research in reducing bias, the AEA could set aside publication space in one of its journals and/or have a standing session at the ASSA on bias.
  • Addressing and replacing EJMR is going to take concerted efforts in education and in providing alternate outlets for sharing information. An anonymous, online message board is not good for the economics profession. Personnel information is sensitive and sharing it without authorization runs afoul of most employers’ human resource policies. Accusations of intellectual dishonesty should be taken seriously not turned into sport. Finally libelous speech, harassment, and stalking on a website and in personal interactions is a very serious concern. Telling those affected to ignore the comments or to have a thicker skin is not a solution. Punishments for continued bad behavior need to be spelled out. Experts in mediation and legal treatment of harassment should help in crafting the new policies.

___________________________________________

PS To keep my comments under the 750 word limit, I had to trim back some. For example, I had written in my intro: “Also after many years of turning a blind eye to bad behavior in the economic profession, an apology from the AEA to those who have put up with the crap and to the ‘missing economists’ who have left the profession would be welcome.” On reflection, ‘we are sorry’ is not enough … we have to do better. Recently I have been encouraging other women to enter economics and I simply want better for the next generation.

time demands in economics

I keep telling myself I am done with these diversity blog posts. I am beyond busy in my new job (managing is hard) and presenting, let alone doing research, takes a major wrinkle in time. That’s all before I get to being a mom. Navigating my kids’ schedules (daughter made basketball team, yeah, destroyed my after-school logistics, boo), dealing with discipline issues (ability to sit still and be quiet are not traits I passed on to my son), and listening to my kids takes so much time.

I am tempted to free ride on others who have the time and energy and expertise to write about diversity in economics. And are allowed to do press calls. That’s why I was so stoked to see Claudia Goldin writing for the New York Times last week … but as I read, I got frustrated:

Fighting to eradicate discriminatory employment practices is absolutely needed, of course. I’ve spent many years studying this subject, and my research shows that unequal treatment in hiring and in the work setting is real and may be reflected in unequal pay.Yet it is also true that the time demands of many jobs can explain much of the pay difference, a finding that has sobering implications.

The “time demands of many jobs can explain” … that’s the careful, neutral language I am accustomed to seeing (and using) as an economist. I AM TIRED OF IT. especially from economists. Why do the “time demands” of being woman in economics (in addition to my work) include having your  vacation interrupted with utter TRASH talk of anonymous economists in the New York Times and Twitter feed; trying to mentor aspiring female economists on how to navigate around the trash or calling out the trash (I have tweeted, written tricky emails, had informal convos, etc.); and answering inquiries from senior economists (ones who I look to for wisdom) asking me on how to deal with sexism in the discipline. Then after all that, women’s contribution to economics is devalued and dismissed. %#@* that.

Breathe. And back to the calmer Claudia … Goldin discusses job characteristics associated with a larger gap in earnings between men and women.

“Certain job characteristics have a big impact on the gender earnings gap. I have looked closely at these issues, including the extent to which workers are:

■ Subject to strict deadlines and time pressure

■ Expected to be in direct contact with other workers or clients

■ Instructed to develop cooperative working relationships

■ Assigned to work on highly specific projects

■ Unable to independently determine their tasks and goals

Occupations with a lower level of these characteristics (like jobs in science and technology) show smaller gaps, corrected for hours of work. Occupations with a higher level (like those in finance and law) have greater gaps. Men’s earnings tend to surge when there are fewer substitutes for a given worker, when the job must be done in teams and when clients demand specific lawyers, accountants, consultants and financial advisers. Such differences can account for about half the gender earnings gap.”

In my opinion, these characteristics are a starting, not a stopping, point. Too many look at this list and say “ah-hah, it’s not discrimination, it’s the market.” But time demands are not an exogenous shock. Many employers can alter the time demands or support employees in meeting them. At the Board, the 100-hours of back-up child care per year was an amazing benefit when my kids were little. It’s a law of nature that your toddler will throw up in the early morning of your forecast presentation. I had the comfort of knowing that a back-up caregiver was only a phone call away. More importantly, at work, I knew that family came first and I had colleagues who would step in (and I the same) in an emergency and not downgrade my contribution as an economist for it.

Some jobs are harder to restructure, but can we at least stop punishing women who go after those demanding jobs?  Almost every year the Board sends a staff economist to the Council of Economic Advisers. In my first few years at the Board, my family had lunch with a Board economist couple and the topic of the CEA detail came up. I thought this sounded awesome (a project in my undergrad macro course was compiling binders and reports like we were at CEA) but back at home, when I expressed my enthusiasm, I got an earful. “CEA is not a job for women with young children.” True, CEA was a big time demand. Many, many hours (on par with grad school) and the most intensively I have ever worked. Even when I wasn’t on my computer or phone, I was tired. HEY, BUT WE ARE ALL DOING CONSTRAINED OPTIMIZATION. I was willing to pay the costs (both for myself and my kids) for a year, because I saw the benefits as higher. I did not get divorced so I could work at CEA, but by the time I was experienced enough as an economist to be offered the detail, I was a co-parent, not a wife and mom. I wonder how that is captured in Goldin’s regressions?

And speaking of omitted variables and tricky inference … look back at that list of job characteristics and think about how all the harassment of women (and minorities) fits in. It’s hard to “develop cooperative working relationships” when someone is making lewd, aggressive comments or touching you or openly devaluing people like you. Also in the list note the “unable to independently determine” task and goals. Abuse of power is a problem and fuels a lot of the harassment. I get it that men and women may find each other attractive and social mores differed in the past, but there are enough fish in the sea for econ professors to keep views on the physical appearance of their own grad students or female co-workers to themselves.

I was frustrated with the tone in Goldin’s piece (and that’s my flaw not hers) but I wholeheartedly agree with her closing …

Equality on this court requires a level playing field at home and in the market. There are many battles ahead. Unfortunately, they need to be fought at several levels.

Finally, I have no claim to superior insight on this topic or how to ‘fight the good fight.’ I mess up plenty and have rankled both women and men with my personal musings on diversity in economics. And too often, I give a pass to someone’s oafishness because I greatly value his or her economics. Dick Thaler, looking at you, 🙂 But seriously, I appreciate people with all our quirks and differing opinions … and I don’t want to shut down conversation with accusations or public shaming, but we have to be more mindful of our effect on others. And the culture of economics. Good economics is never an excuse for bad behavior. Or put in econo-speak by the great John DiNardo: “How you do on the job market is orthogonal to your value as a human being.” We have to work hard at both.

rethinking diversity in economics

I have been blogging and tweeting a lot about diversity in economics, but I have not explained why I am so interested in this topic. And no, it’s not because I am woman in economics and feel shortchanged. I have a great job and two wonderful kids. Sure I’ve heard some crap along the way, but who hasn’t? What motivates me is a concern about the advice we give as economists and how that affects individuals and communities.

I arrived at the Board in the summer of 2007 and started forecasting in 2008. Can you imagine what my first year was like as I learned how to forecast consumer spending? I was barely keeping my head above water (and only with many colleagues helping me). I remember a night in January 2008 when I was preparing my first forecast meeting presentation … Miles Kimball had sent me an email about some hopelessly overdue research … and then a Board colleague stopped by to check on me. He reminded me that everyone wanted me to succeed. Our staff work is very much a team effort. Reassuring but I still felt like an imposter, a feeling that only got worse as the Great Recession took hold.

Fast forward three years to 2011. We had gotten past the financial crisis, coffee no longer ran out in our cafeteria before 9 am, and the stress of work was less acute. The recovery was moving along but not as expected. That was the hardest time at work for me. (Yes, I added a broken heart to this forecast-evolution chart.)

forecast

One thought nagged at me in 2011 … what if we are wrong? Maybe the economy doesn’t always recover? Maybe we aren’t doing enough? I was surrounded by smart, hard-working colleagues at the Fed and I was closely following the related academic research. But if we, economists collectively, are so smart how did we miss signs of the financial crisis? The no-doc loans, the house-prices-can’t-fall mentality, the subprime is “contained”, and on and one. If we couldn’t put the pieces together correctly then, what were we missing in the recovery?

Thinking I might find some lessons in the past, I spent some free time talking to folks, reading archives, etc. My reflections here are on the Fed, but I think these issues exist throughout the economics profession. Mine is not a systematic or an expert evaluation. (Feel free to stop reading and turn to this paper by former Fed Governor Tarullo.) Also I have been interested more in the why than the specifics of what we learned about financial markets or monetary policy tools.

So what does any of this have to do with diversity in economics? A lot, I think. The financial crisis, Great Recession, and recovery were times when the economics playbook was often incomplete or in some cases just plain wrong. A common retort is that some model from “way back when” foresaw the role of financial frictions, specifically, or the need for stimulus, generally. I don’t buy it. It’s how we use our knowledge … giving advice and making decisions in real time … not the sum total of everything ever written down that matters. If the same person who wrote the “financial accelerator model” could also utter the words subprime “seems likely to be contained” in 2007 then the economics profession was out of its league. I come back again and again to how hard it is for us to think beyond our economist assumptions.

Of course, there were economists who recognized imbalances in housing markets before the crisis. For one example, see remarks by Josh Gallin and Andreas Lehnert, staff economists, at the June 2005 FOMC meeting (pg 4-11). It’s much easier to find examples of the economic consensus shutting down or discounting such concerns. At that same meeting (pg 46), I was sad (but not surprised) to see Greenspan say “Shall we break for coffee?” right after Susan Bies delivered a summary of risks building in mortgage markets. 2005 was fairly late, maybe it would not have mattered then? However, as early 2000, before the big run up in mortgage debt, calls came for the Fed to do more on predatory lending. Some bits on this: from the Federal Trade Commission in September 2000, Board staff work (lawyers) on a regulatory proposal in late 2000, but no traction as seen in a speech by then-Fed Governor Ned Gramlich in 2001. And that was from an economist policy maker who was one of the most aware of the lending problems.

My point is not to argue that economists are always wrong or that our models are worthless. Quite the opposite. Quantifying issues, modeling historical statistical patterns, thinking hard (and dispassionately) about causal factors are a very important skills. Similarly, I was told that the Council of Economic Advisers’ key role is to shoot down bad ideas … a great story from Ken Arrow … and I saw it in my time there. Economists think differently than many others and that’s great until it’s not. Being good at counterfactual thinking, trade offs, comparative advantage, and other non-intuitive logic, as well as a love of numbers, are useful attributes of economists BUT only as part of a larger team. For example, we, economists, tend to have blind spots from our assumptions on efficiency, credibility, rationality, markets, etc., in a way that a non-economist would not.  And yet, economist are known for going it alone. Sigh.

Groupthink … the lack of meaningful diversity … in economics has real consequences for real people. We give advice to Congress on how to spend hundreds of billions of dollars in stimulus. We make decisions at the Fed on interest rates. And in many capacities, we have input on financial markets, regulation, and business practices. This adds up to profound effects on many, many lives. And yet, our closed-system culture puts great emphasis on top five publications (an internal status marker) and the credibility of our economic institutions (making sure economists remain key to policy). Hiring more women and minority economists alone is unlikely remedy our grouthink, but I think it would help. Clearly, diversity in ideas spring from many sources, but life experiences shaped by gender and race are some drivers. Above all, I hope that making diversity a priority in our own ranks will help us see the benefits of listening to others.

PS The title of my post is a bit of play on the title on the recent “Rethinking Macroeconomic Policy” conference.  It had an esteemed group of speakers, each of which has waaaay more perspective on economic policy than I do. I only had time to watch the opening remarks (busy new job for me), but I hope the topic of diversity in economics got some attention. Or maybe I will hear other views on why economists culturally got it so wrong and how we can improve?

PPS This post … as with all of my macromom posts … reflects my own personal views and should not be ascribed to anyone else in the Federal System or to my role as a staff economist there.